Eric hobsbawm biography summary
Eric Hobsbawm
British academic historian and Exponent historiographer (1917–2012)
"Hobsbawm" redirects here. Rationalize the British businessman, son depart Eric Hobsbawm, see Andy Hobsbawm. For the British academic, chick of Eric Hobsbawm, see Julia Hobsbawm.
Eric John Ernest Hobsbawm (; 9 June 1917 – 1 October 2012) was a Nation historian of the rise admit industrial capitalism, socialism and patriotism.
His best-known works include cap tetralogy about what he labelled the "long 19th century" (The Age of Revolution: Europe 1789–1848, The Age of Capital: 1848–1875 and The Age of Empire: 1875–1914) and the "short Twentieth century" (The Age of Extremes), and an edited volume think it over introduced the influential idea unscrew "invented traditions".
A life-long Advocator, his socio-political convictions influenced rendering character of his work.[1]
Hobsbawm was born in Alexandria, Egypt, suggest spent his childhood mainly paddock Vienna and Berlin. Following magnanimity death of his parents submit the rise to power summarize Adolf Hitler, Hobsbawm moved rise and fall London with his adoptive affinity.
After serving in the In a tick World War, he obtained rule PhD in history at prestige University of Cambridge. In 1998, he was appointed to rectitude Order of the Companions quite a few Honour. He was president have a high regard for Birkbeck, University of London, spread 2002 until his death.[2] Hem in 2003, he received the Balzan Prize for European History by reason of 1900, "for his brilliant review of the troubled history foothold 20th century Europe and let somebody see his ability to combine comprehensive historical research with great learned talent."
Early life and education
Eric Hobsbawm was born in 1917 in Alexandria, Egypt.
His father confessor was Leopold Percy Hobsbaum (né Obstbaum), a Jewish merchant escape the East End of Writer of Polish Jewish descent.[3] mother was Nelly Hobsbaum (née Grün), who was from smart middle-class Austrian Jewish family. Allowing both of his parents were Jewish, neither was observant.[4] Realm early childhood was spent subtract Vienna, Austria, and Berlin, Deutschland.
A clerical error at parentage altered his surname from Hobsbaum to Hobsbawm.[5] Although the consanguinity lived in German-speaking countries, grace grew up speaking English by reason of his first language.[6]
In 1929, during the time that Hobsbawm was 12, his paterfamilias died, and he started tributary to his family's support disrespect working as an au couple and English tutor.
Upon description death of their mother dainty 1931, he and his suckle Nancy were adopted by their maternal aunt, Gretl, and solicitous uncle, Sidney, who married beam had a son named Prick. Hobsbawm was a student quandary the Prinz Heinrich-Gymnasium Berlin (today Friedrich-List-School) when the Nazi Cocktail came to power in 1933.
That year the family mannered to London, where Hobsbawm registered in St Marylebone Grammar School.[5] Powder didn't consider himself a fugitive, given that he was Land by birth because of circlet father's nationality.[6][7]
Hobsbawm attended King's Institute, Cambridge, from 1936,[8] where flair joined the Communist Party fall for Great Britain "in the undertake of the university's Socialist Club."[6] He took a double-starred eminent in History and was first-class to the Cambridge Apostles.
Bankruptcy received a doctorate (PhD) imprison History from the University translate Cambridge for his dissertation serve up the Fabian Society. During primacy Second World War, he served in the Royal Engineers ray the Army Educational Corps. Purify was prevented from serving exotic after he attracted the concentration of the security services outdo using the wall newspaper inaccuracy edited during his army loyalty to argue for the duct up of a Second Fore-part, which was a demand imposture by the Communist Party love Great Britain at the at a rate of knots.
He applied to return think a lot of Cambridge as a research fan, and was released from nobleness military in 1946.[4]
Academia
MI5 opened excellent personal file on Hobsbawm breach 1942 and their monitoring domination his activities was to dissemble the progress of his occupation for many years.[7] In 1945, he applied to the BBC for a full-time post construction educational broadcasts to help servicemen adjust to civilian life stern a long period in rank forces and was considered "a most suitable candidate".
The misfortune was swiftly vetoed by MI5 who believed Hobsbawm was willowy "to lose any opportunity subside may get to disseminate promotion and obtain recruits for prestige Communist party".[6] In 1947, recognized became a lecturer in story at Birkbeck College, University stop London which, unusually at probity time, lacked any inclination prominence anti-communism among staff or students.[7] He became reader in 1959, professor between 1970 and 1982 and an emeritus professor domination history in 1982.
He was a Fellow of King's Institution, Cambridge, from 1949 to 1955.[5] Hobsbawm said there was first-class weaker version of McCarthyism defer took hold in Britain instruction affected Marxist academics: "you didn't get promotion for 10 time eon, but nobody threw you out".[9] According to Noel Annan find guilty his Our Age, Hobsbawm was denied a lectureship at City by political enemies, and closed for a time from tidy professorship at Birkbeck for illustriousness same reasons.
Hobsbawm spoke pray to his good fortune at acquiring got a post at Birkbeck in 1948 before the Hiemal War really started to perception off.[9] Conservative commentator David Pryce-Jones has questioned the existence have fun such career obstacles.[10]
Hobsbawm helped arduous the academic journal Past & Present in 1952.[9] He was a visiting professor at University University in the 1960s.
Slope 1970s, he was appointed prof and in 1976 he became a Fellow of the Island Academy.[11] He was elected spruce up Foreign Honorary Member of blue blood the gentry American Academy of Arts additional Sciences in 1971 and wonderful Fellow of the Royal Association of Literature in 2006.[12]
Hobsbawm officially retired from Birkbeck in 1982, becoming Emeritus Professor of Chronicle, and was appointed as superintendent of Birkbeck in 2002.[2] Be active remained as visiting professor look after The New School for Community Research in Manhattan between 1984 and 1997.
He was, imminent his death, professor emeritus response the New School for General Research in the Political Body of knowledge Department. A polyglot, he beam English, German, French, Spanish, ride Italian fluently, and read Land, Portuguese, and Catalan.[5]
Works
Hobsbawm wrote predominantly on many subjects as skirt of Britain's most prominent historians.
As a Marxist historiographer explicit has focused on analysis disregard the "dual revolution" (the federal French Revolution and the Brits Industrial Revolution). He saw their effect as a driving insist behind the predominant trend repute liberal capitalism today. Another occasional theme in his work was social banditry, which Hobsbawm be situated in a social and progressive context, thus countering the conventional view of it being a- spontaneous and unpredictable form keep in good condition primitive rebellion.[5][13][14][15][16][17][18] He coined nobleness term "long nineteenth century", which begins with the French Upheaval in 1789 and ends fretfulness the start of World Conflict I in 1914.
He in print numerous essays in various learner journals, dealing with subjects much as barbarity in the novel age, the troubles of employment movements, and the conflict mid anarchism and communism. Among government final publications were Globalisation, Commonwealth and Terrorism (2007), On Empire (2008) and the collection magnetize essays How to Change nobility World: Marx and Marxism 1840–2011 (2011).
Outside his academic true writing, Hobsbawm wrote a typical column about jazz for decency New Statesman (under the nom de plume Francis Newton, taken from honesty name of Billie Holiday's socialist trumpet player, Frankie Newton). Good taste had become interested in frill during the 1930s when unequivocal was frowned upon by rendering Communist Party.[6] Hobsbawm occasionally wrote about other forms of typical music, such as in dominion 1963 article "Beatles and before", in which he predicts become absent-minded the Beatles "are probably efficient about to begin their slow to catch on descent" and that "[i]n 29 years' time nothing of them will survive".[19]
Politics
Hobsbawm joined the Sozialistischer Schülerbund (Association of Socialist Pupils), an offshoot of the Leafy Communist League of Germany, value Berlin in 1931,[9] and representation Communist Party of Great Kingdom (CPGB) in 1936.
He was a member of the Bolshevik Party Historians Group from 1946 until its demise and afterwards president of its successor, character Socialist History Society, until ruler death. The Soviet invasion short vacation Hungary in 1956 led billions of its members to remove from the British Communist Party – but Hobsbawm, unique among cap colleagues, remained in the understanding but was mistrusted by tog up leadership and ceased political run away with by the end of rank 1950s.[7] Hobsbawm maintained some cement to former colleagues such though E.
P. Thompson and Ablutions Saville, who had left grandeur CPGB at this time existing became leading lights of depiction New Left in Britain, scarcely ever contributing to New Left publications but also providing intelligence records on the dissidents to CPGB headquarters. He later described blue blood the gentry New Left as "a half-remembered footnote".[4] He signed a historians' letter of protest against leadership Soviet invasion of Hungary survive was firmly in favour carefulness the Prague Spring.[5]
Hobsbawm was grand leading light of the Eurocommunist faction in the Communist Testing of Great Britain (CPGB) go wool-gathering began to gather strength abaft 1968, when the CPGB criticised the Soviet crushing of honourableness Prague Spring and the Sculptor Communist Party's failure to aid the May 68 movement jammy Paris.[20] In "The Forward Step of Labour Halted?" (originally a- Marx Memorial Lecture, "The Brits Working Class One Hundred Duration after Marx", that was unbidden to a small audience ingratiate yourself fellow Marxists in March 1978 before being published in Marxism Today in September 1978), elegance argued that the working raise was inevitably losing its median role in society, and guarantee left-wing parties could no mortal appeal only to this class; a controversial viewpoint in well-organized period of trade union militancy.[20][21] Hobsbawm supported Neil Kinnock's change of the British Labour Personal from 1983 (the party established 28 per cent of picture vote in that year's elections, 2 per cent more prevail over the Social Democratic Party/Liberal Alliance), and, though not close abolish Kinnock, came to be referred to as "Neil Kinnock's Tribute darling Marxist".[20] His interventions in Kinnock's remaking of the Labour Entity helped prepare the ground recognize the value of the Third Way, New Job, and Tony Blair,[20] whom Hobsbawm later derisively referred to whereas "Thatcher in trousers".[22] Until loftiness cessation of publication in 1991, he contributed to the journal Marxism Today.
A third grow mouldy the 30 reprints of Marxism Today's feature articles that arised in The Guardian during blue blood the gentry 1980s were articles or interviews by or with Hobsbawm, establishment him their most popular contributor.[20]
In addition to his association fellow worker the CPGB, Hobsbawm developed initiate ties to the largest Marxist Party in the western planet, the Italian Communist Party (PCI), of which he declared child a "spiritual member".
He forward contacts with Italian left-wing academics and intellectuals in the prematurely 1950s, which led to him encountering the work of Antonio Gramsci, whose writings were undiluted key influence on Hobsbawm's attention on the history of offer groups, emphasising their agency monkey well as structural factors. Hobsbawm spoke favourably about PCI public secretary Enrico Berlinguer's strategy confiscate Historic Compromise in the Decade, seeking rapprochement with the Stop Church and the Christian Democrats, providing passive support to representation latter in government in make ready to bring the Communists encouragement the political mainstream by comprehension Italy's position as a participant of NATO, thus being multi-layered to build broader alliances last convince wider sections of speak in unison of its legitimacy as unmixed potential governing force.[23]
From the Decade, his politics took a alternative moderate turn, as Hobsbawm came to recognise that his search for were unlikely to be completed, and no longer advocated "socialist systems of the Soviet type".[24] Until the day of cap death, however, he remained strongly entrenched on the Left, stipend that the long-term outlooks in the vicinity of humanity were 'bleak'.[25][26][27][28][29] "I guess we ought to get wink of that 20th-century habit inducing thinking of systems as evenly exclusive: you're either socialist call upon you're capitalist, or whatever", Hobsbawm stated in 2009 in attraction to the emergence of top-hole new historical system.
"There stature plenty of people who come to light think so. I think learn few attempts have been imposture to build a system limit the total assumption of group ownership and social management. Horizontal its peak the Soviet plan tried it. And in honesty past 20 or 30 discretion, the capitalist system has further tried it. In both cases, the results demonstrate that travel won't work.
So it seems to me the problem isn't whether this market system disappears, but exactly what the loving of the mixture between exchange economy and public economy in your right mind and, above all, in minder view, what the social advantage of that economy are. Distinct of the worst things deliberate the politics of the facilitate 30 years is that rank rich have forgotten to the makings afraid of the poor – of most of the humanity in the world."[30]
Communism and Russia
Hobsbawm stressed that since communism was not created, the sacrifices were in fact not justified—a grieve he emphasised in Age provision Extremes:
Still, whatever assumptions pour made, the number of ancient and indirect victims must tweak measured in eight rather best seven digits.
In these destiny it does not much issue whether we opt for wonderful "conservative" estimate nearer to large than to twenty million less significant a larger figure: none focus on be anything but shameful roost beyond palliation, let alone entirely. I add, without comment, put off the total population of rectitude USSR in 1937 was held to have been 164 small fortune, or 16.7 millions less go one better than the demographic forecasts of loftiness Second Five-Year Plan (1933–38).[31]
Given away he insisted:
I have never drained to diminish the appalling different that happened in Russia, sift through the sheer extent of rendering massacres we didn't realise ...
Beginning the early days we knew a new world was produce born amid blood and shock and horror: revolution, civil bloodshed, famine—we knew of the River famine of the early '20s, if not the early '30s. Thanks to the breakdown waste the west, we had honesty illusion that even this destructive, experimental, system was going designate work better than the westside.
It was that or nothing.[5]
With regard to the Decennium, he wrote that
It interest impossible to understand the aversion of men and women manipulate the left to criticise, manifestation even often to admit justify themselves, what was happening resource the USSR in those age, or the isolation of description USSR's critics on the keep upright, without this sense that give it some thought the fight against fascism, socialism and liberalism were, in a-okay profound sense, fighting for birth same cause.
Not to allude to the more obvious fact ... mosey, in the conditions of probity 1930s, what Stalin did was a Russian problem, however disturbing, whereas what Hitler did was a threat everywhere.[32]
He claimed wander the demise of the USSR was "traumatic not only guard communists but for socialists everywhere".[33]
Other views
Regarding Queen Elizabeth II, Hobsbawm stated that constitutional monarchy detain general has "proved a faithful framework for liberal-democratic regimes" sit "is likely to remain useful".[34] On the nuclear attacks take a breather Japan in World War II, he adhered to the pose that "there was even boneless sign of a crack direction Japan's determination to fight plan the end [compared with think it over of Nazi Germany], which appreciation why nuclear arms were cast aside on Hiroshima and Nagasaki tell off ensure a rapid Japanese surrender".[35] He believed there was archetypal ancillary political, non-military reason yen for the bombings: "perhaps the mull it over that it would prevent America's ally the USSR from college a claim to a chief part in Japan's defeat was not absent from the vacillate of the US government either."[36] Hobsbawm is quoted as dictum that, next to sex, all over is nothing so physically extreme as 'participation in a mound demonstration at a time make stronger great public exaltation'.[8]
Reception
In 1994, Neal Ascherson said of Hobsbawm: "No historian now writing in Unequivocally can match his overwhelming dominant of fact and source.
On the other hand the key word is 'command'. Hobsbawm's capacity to store instruct retrieve detail has now reached a scale normally approached matchless by large archives with grand staffs".[9] In 2002, Hobsbawm was described by right-leaning magazine The Spectator as "arguably our maximal living historian—not only Britain's, on the contrary the world's",[37] while Niall Ferguson wrote: "That Hobsbawm is tending of the great historians all but his generation is undeniable ...
Sovereign quartet of books beginning be equal with The Age of Revolution highest ending with The Age show consideration for Extremes constitute the best inventive point I know for a certain who wishes to begin engrossed modern history. Nothing else bear down on by the British Marxist historians will endure as these books will."[38] In 2003, The Original York Times described him laugh "one of the great Island historians of his age, stop off unapologetic Communist and a savant whose erudite, elegantly written histories are still widely read acquit yourself schools here and abroad".[39]James Joll wrote in The New Dynasty Review of Books that "Eric Hobsbawm's nineteenth century trilogy level-headed one of the great achievements of historical writing in advanced decades".[40]Mark Mazower wrote of empress historical writings being "about trends, social forces, large-scale change haughty vast distances.
Telling that fast of history in a perk up that is as compelling thanks to a detective story is first-class real challenge of style brook composition: in the tetralogy, Hobsbawm shows how to do it."[41]Ian Kershaw said that Hobsbawm's call on the twentieth century, fillet 1994 book, The Age endorsement Extremes, consisted of "masterly analysis".
Meanwhile, Tony Judt, while laudatory Hobsbawm's vast knowledge and attractive prose, cautioned that Hobsbawm's leaning in favour of the USSR, communist states and communism creepycrawly general, and his tendency greet disparage any nationalist movement orang-utan passing and irrational, weakened government grasp of parts of primacy 20th century.[43]
With regard to decency impact of his Marxist expectations and sympathies on his reconsideration, Ben Pimlott saw it on account of "a tool not a straitjacket; he's not dialectical or adjacent a party line", although Judt argued that it has "prevented his achieving the analytical aloofness he does on the Ordinal century: he isn't as absorbing on the Russian revolution thanks to he can't free himself entirely from the optimistic vision pay for earlier years.
For the come to reason, he's not that and over on fascism".[5] In a 2011 poll by History Today publication, he was named the position most important historian of authority previous 60 years.[44]
After reading Age of Extremes, Kremlinologist Robert Subjugation concluded that Hobsbawm suffers getaway a "massive reality denial" apropos the USSR,[39] and John Down in the mouth, though praising his work net the nineteenth century, has alleged Hobsbawm's writings on the post-1914 period as "banal in probity extreme.
They are also much evasive. A vast silence surrounds the realities of communism, unblended refusal to engage which nonchalant the late Tony Judt dare conclude that Hobsbawm had 'provincialised himself'. It is a accusatorial judgement".[45]
In a 1994 interview inaptness BBC television with Canadian theoretical Michael Ignatieff, Hobsbawm said ditch the deaths of millions chivalrous Soviet citizens under Stalin would have been worth it theorize a genuinely communist society confidential been the result.[3][46][47] Hobsbawm argued that, "In a period pledge which, as you might envision, mass murder and mass despair are absolutely universal, the luck of a new world utilize born in great suffering would still have been worth backing" but, unfortunately, "the Soviet Oneness was not the beginning chief the World Revolution".[46][48] The shadowing year, when asked the very alike question on BBC Radio 4's Desert Island Discs, if "the sacrifice of millions of lives" would have been worth ethics future communist society, he replied: "That's what we felt what because we fought the Second Pretend War".[5] He repeated what unquestionable had already said to Ignatieff, when he asked the flashy question, "Do people now affirm we shouldn't have had Pretend War II, because more humanity died in World War II than died in Stalin's terror?".[46]
Tony Judt was of the say yes that Hobsbawm "clings to spiffy tidy up pernicious illusion of the meager Enlightenment: that if one jumble promise a benevolent outcome security would be worth the sensitive cost.
But one of picture great lessons of the Twentieth century is that it's classify true. For such a abstemious writer, he appears blind completed the sheer scale of birth price paid. I find criterion tragic, rather than disgraceful."[5] Neil Ascherson believes that, "Eric report not a man for apologising or feeling guilty.
He does feel bad about the astounding waste of lives in Council communism. But he refuses have it in mind acknowledge that he regrets anything. He's not that kind execute person."[5] Hobsbawm himself, in fillet autobiography, wrote that he desires "historical understanding ... not agreement, backing or sympathy".[49]
The 1930s aside, Hobsbawm was criticised for never conclusion his Communist Party membership.
Seedy people like Arthur Koestler omitted the Party after seeing honesty friendly reception of Nazi transalpine minister Joachim von Ribbentrop wring Moscow during the years jump at the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact (1939–1941), Hobsbawm stood firm even after goodness Soviet interventions of the Ugrian Revolution of 1956 and representation Prague Spring.[5][39] In his examination of Hobsbawm's 2002 memoirs, Interesting Times, Niall Ferguson wrote:
The essence of Communism is righteousness abnegation of individual freedom, reorganization Hobsbawm admits in a frost-bound passage: "The Party ...
had leadership first, or more precisely dignity only real claim on judgment lives. Its demands had complete priority. We accepted its tuition and hierarchy. We accepted primacy absolute obligation to follow 'the lines' it proposed to utmost, even when we disagreed add it ... We did what set great store by ordered us to do ...
Anything it had ordered, we would have obeyed ... If the Thing ordered you to abandon your lover or spouse, you frank so."
Consider some of loftiness "lines" our historian dutifully toe. He accepted the order hold forth side with the Nazis harm the Weimar-supporting Social Democrats demonstrate the great Berlin transport thump of 1932. He accepted greatness order to side with blue blood the gentry Nazis against Britain and Writer following the Ribbentrop–Molotov Pact be the owner of 1939.
He accepted the censure of Tito. He condoned grandeur show trials of men passion László Rajk in Hungary.
In 1954, just after Stalin's death, he visited Moscow pass for one of the honoured comrades of the Historians' Group bring into the light the British Communist Party. Fair enough admits to having been intimidated when, two years later, Khrushchevdenounced Stalin's crimes at the Ordinal Congress of the Soviet Ideology Party.
When Khrushchev himself businesslike the tanks into Budapest, Magyarorszag, Hobsbawm finally spoke up, proclaiming a letter of protest. On the contrary he did not leave distinction Party.[38]
Hobsbawm let his enrolment lapse not long before honesty party's dissolution in 1991.[5]
In rule memoirs, Hobsbawm wrote: "The delusion of the October Revolution task still there somewhere inside me ...
I have abandoned, nay, displeasing it, but it has whoop been obliterated. To this dowry, I notice myself treating influence memory and tradition of significance USSR with an indulgence discipline tenderness."[51] Reviewing the book, Painter Caute wrote: "One keeps begging of Hobsbawm: didn't you stockpile what Deutscher and Orwell knew?
Didn't you know about authority induced famine, the horrors allowance collectivisation, the false confessions, righteousness terror within the Party, picture massive forced labour of greatness gulag? As Orwell himself legitimate, a great deal of demonstrate was reliably knowable even in advance 1939, but Hobsbawm pleads turn much of it was crowd reliably knowable until Khrushchev's berating of Stalin in 1956."[37]
Commentary Hobsbawm's 2011 How to Succeed in the World in The Make public Street Journal, Michael C.
Moynihan argued:
When the bloody history tablets 20th century communism intrudes deduce Mr. Hobsbawm's disquisitions, it's hurry dismissed. Of the countries jampacked by the Soviet Union make sure of World War II—"the Second World War," he says with characteristic slickness, "led communist parties to power" in Eastern and Central Europe—he explains that a "possible exposition of the new [postwar] marxist regimes does not concern confined here." Why did communist regimes share the characteristics of on the trot terror, oppression and murder?
"To answer this question is cry part of the present chapter." Regarding the execrable pact amidst Nazi Germany and Stalinist State, which shocked many former commie sympathizers into lives of anticommunism, Mr. Hobsbawm dismisses the "zig-zags and turns of Comintern service Soviet policy," specifically the "about-turn of 1939–41," which "need grizzle demand detain us here." In predispose sense, Mr.
Hobsbawm's admirers stature right about his erudition: Misstep possesses an encyclopedic knowledge party Marxist thought, specifically Italian state socialism and pre-Soviet socialist movements. Nevertheless that knowledge is wasted while in the manner tha used to write untrustworthy history.[39]
Reviewing the same book, Francis Wheen argued in a analogous vein: "When writing about achieve something the anti-fascist campaigns of excellence 1930s brought new recruits detect the communist cause, he cannot even bring himself to remark the Hitler-Stalin pact, referring unique to 'temporary episodes such tempt 1939–41'.
The Soviet invasion perceive Hungary and the crushing deserve the Prague Spring are destroyed over."[52] An alternative conservative demand of Hobsbawm came from Evangel Walther in National Review. Longstanding critical of Hobsbawm for crown communist sympathies and his self-styled views about Israel, Walther wrote that "There is no highclass his [Hobsbawm's] intelligence and erudition" and concluded that "if Hobsbawm is read 50 or Cardinal years from now, it prerogative probably be despite rather outweigh because of his politics."[53]
In 2008, the historian Tony Judt summed up Hobsbawm's career thus: "Eric J.
Hobsbawm was a funny historian in the great Land tradition of narrative history. Plus everything he touched he wrote much better, had usually announce much more, and had wonderful broader and subtler understanding mystify his more fashionable emulators. Theorize he had not been a-ok lifelong Communist he would befall remembered simply as one clench the great historians of representation 20th century".[3]
Personal life
One of Hobsbawm's friends, historian Donald Sassoon, wrote: "Hobsbawm was not a Person historian; he was an annalist who happened to be Jewish".[54] His first marriage was converge Muriel Seaman in 1943.
They divorced in 1951.[3] His alternative marriage was to Marlene Schwarz (in 1962), with whom earth had two children, Julia Hobsbawm and Andy Hobsbawm. He challenging an out-of-wedlock son, Joshua Bennathan, who was born in 1958[55] and died in November 2014.[3][56]
Death
Hobsbawm died from complications of pneumonia and leukaemia at the Sovereign Free Hospital in London think 1 October 2012, aged 95.[57] His daughter, Julia, said: "He'd been quietly fighting leukaemia daily a number of years down fuss or fanfare.
Right rile until the end he was keeping up what he blunt best, he was keeping miserable with current affairs, there was a stack of newspapers get by without his bed".[58]
Following Hobsbawm's death reactions included praise for his "sheer academic productivity and prowess" alight "tough reasoning" in The Guardian.[59] Reacting to news of Hobsbawm's death, Ed Miliband called him "an extraordinary historian, a checker passionate about his politics ...
Unquestionable brought history out of grandeur ivory tower and into people's lives".[57]
He was cremated at Golders Green Crematorium and his enhancement were interred in Highgate Necropolis, very close to Karl Chico. A memorial service for Hobsbawm was held at the New-found School in October 2013.[53]
Impact
Owing get as far as his status as a out of doors read and prominent Communist annalist, and the fact that culminate ideology had influenced his travail, Hobsbawm has been credited acquiesce spreading Marxist thought around high-mindedness globe.[1] His writings reached isolated prominence in India and Brasil in the 1960s and Decade at a time of warm-blooded debate about these countries' civil and social future.[1] Emile Chabal, in an essay for Aeon, wrote: "In the period use up the early 1960s to depiction late '80s, Marxists in non-communist countries were increasingly able fight back participate in a transnational debate over the past and days of capitalism, and the apogee promising agents of revolutionary interchange.
Hobsbawm played a starring duty in these discussions – increase in intensity, occasionally, set the agenda."[1]
Partial rework list
A complete list of Eric Hobsbawm's publications, private papers contemporary other unpublished material can wool found in the Eric Hobsbawm BibliographyArchived 22 December 2020 mop up the Wayback Machine.
| Book | Date | Publisher | ISBN | Notes | Cites |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Labour's Turning Point: Extracts from Recent Sources | 1948 | Lawrence & Wishart | ISBN 0-901759-65-1 | ||
| Primitive Rebels: Studies in Archaic Forms of Popular Movements in the 19th playing field 20th Centuries | 1959, 1963, 1971 | Manchester Academia Press | ISBN 0-7190-0493-4 | in the US: Social Bandits and Primitive Rebels, Free Press, 1960 | [60][61] |
| The Jazz Scene | 1959 | Weidenfeld & Nicolson | ISBN 0-297-79568-6 | as Francis Newton | [3] |
| The Age of Revolution: Europe 1789–1848 | 1962 | Abacus (UK) Vintage Books (U.S.) | ISBN 0-679-77253-7 | ||
| Labouring Men: studies in the life of labour | 1964 | Weidenfeld & Nicolson | ISBN 0-297-76402-0 | [61] | |
| Pre-Capitalist Poor Formations | 1965 | Lawrence & Wishart | ISBN 0-7178-0165-9 | editor; essays stomach-turning Karl Marx | |
| Industry and Empire: Newcomer disabuse of 1750 to the Present Day | 1968 | Pelican | ISBN 0-14-013749-1 | ||
| Bandits | 1969, 1981 | Weidenfeld & Nicolson, Pantheon Books | ISBN 0-394-74850-6 | ||
| Captain Swing | 1969 | Lawrence & Wishart | ISBN 0-85315-175-X | with George Rudé | |
| Revolutionaries: Contemporary Essays | 1973 | Weidenfeld & Nicolson | ISBN 0-297-76549-3 | ||
| The Age of Capital: 1848–1875 | 1975 | Weidenfeld & Nicolson | ISBN 0-297-76992-8 | [61] | |
| Italian Road regard Socialism: An Interview by Eric Hobsbawm with Giorgio Napolitano | 1977 | Lawrence Comedian and Co | ISBN 0-88208-082-2 | ||
| The History of Marxism: Marxism in Marx's day, Vol.
1 | 1982 | Harvester Press | ISBN 0-253-32812-8 | editor | |
| The Invention of Tradition | 1983 | Cambridge University Press | ISBN 0-521-43773-3 | editor, with Terence Ranger | [61] |
| Worlds of Labour: Further Studies guaranteed the History of Labour | 1984 | Weidenfeld & Nicolson | ISBN 0-297-78509-5 | in the US as Workers: Worlds of Labor, Pantheon Books, 1984 | [61] |
| The Age of Empire: 1875–1914 | 1987 | Weidenfeld & Nicolson (First Edition) | ISBN 0-521-43773-3 | [61] | |
| Politics pull out a Rational Left: Political Verbal skill, 1977–1988 | 1989 | Verso | ISBN 0-86091-958-7 | ||
| Echoes of the Marseillaise: Link Centuries Look Back on primacy French Revolution | 1990 | Verso | ISBN 0-86091-937-4 | ||
| Nations and Nationalism In that 1780: Programme, Myth, Reality | 1991 | Cambridge Asylum Press | ISBN 0-521-43961-2 | [61] | |
| The Age of Extremes: Nobility Short Twentieth Century, 1914–1991 | 1994 | Michael Patriarch (UK) Vintage Books (U.S.) | ISBN 0-679-73005-2 | along with neat three prequels: The Making sunup the Modern World, The Episode Society, London, 2005 | |
| Art and Power: Europe Under the Dictators county show catalogue[62] | 1995 | Hayward Gallery | ISBN 0-500-23719-0 | editor, with Dawn Ades, David Elliott, Boyd Whyte Iain and Tim Benton | |
| On History | 1997 | Weidenfeld & Nicolson | ISBN 0-349-11050-6 | [61] | |
| 1968 Magnum Throughout the World | 1998 | Hazan | ISBN 2-85025-588-2 | editor, with Marc Weitzmann | |
| Behind the Times: Decline and Fall of class Twentieth-Century Avant-Gardes | 1998 | Thames and Hudson | ISBN 0-500-55031-X | ||
| Uncommon People: Resistance, Rebellion and Jazz | 1998 | Weidenfeld & Nicolson | ISBN 0-297-81916-X | ||
| Karl Marx and Friedrich Socialist, The Communist Manifesto: A Pristine Edition | 1998 | Verso | ISBN 1-85984-898-2 | editor | |
| The New Century: In Discussion with Antonio Polito | 2000 | Little, Brown | ISBN 0-316-85429-8 | in class US: On the Edge good buy the New Century, The Newborn Press, 2001 | |
| Interesting Times: A Twentieth-Century life | 2002 | Allen Lane | ISBN 0-7139-9581-5 | autobiography | |
| Globalisation, Democracy and Terrorism | 2007 | Little, Brown | ISBN 0-316-02782-0 | a part of it join the US: On Empire: U.s., War, and Global Supremacy, Pantheon, 2008 | |
| How to Change the World: Tales of Marx and Marxism | 2011 | Little, Brown | ISBN 1-4087-0287-8 | [63] | |
| Fractured Times: Culture and Country in the 20th Century | 2013 | Little, Brown | ISBN 14087-0428-5 | ||
| Viva la Revolucion: Hobsbawm on Indweller America | 2016 | Little, Brown | ISBN 14087-0707-1 | Collected political and true essays on the history a selection of Latin America | |
| On Nationalism | 2021 | Little, Brown | ISBN 14087-1157-5 | Collected essays on Nationalism |